Russian Officials Use Creative Excuses to Block Telegram Messaging App Protests

Russian authorities across nearly a dozen regions have prevented demonstrations against internet censorship and Telegram blocking using various excuses like tree inspections and snow removal. Despite the crackdown, frustration continues to grow among citizens as the government pushes users toward a state-controlled messaging alternative.

Russian government officials have employed creative justifications to shut down planned demonstrations against internet restrictions and the blocking of Telegram, the nation’s second-most popular messaging platform.

Local administrators cited everything from tree maintenance needs to snow clearing operations and lingering COVID-19 protocols to prevent rallies in nearly a dozen regions across Russia in recent weeks.

Their efforts largely succeeded. Aware of the harsh response to dissent following the invasion of Ukraine four years ago, protest organizers chose not to risk unauthorized gatherings, even for non-war related causes. Some pursued legal challenges to government denials of permits, while others shifted to smaller indoor meetings.

However, opposition continues to simmer across various political groups regarding restrictions on Russia’s second-most used messaging service, contributing to mounting public frustration over numerous national problems.

“Clearly the situation has changed, the laws have become stricter, but the protest hasn’t gone anywhere,” said Alexander Sustov, a legislator in Russia’s far eastern Primorye region where a pro-Telegram rally was blocked last month.

“Discontent remains. And any ban only fuels that discontent,” he said.

The Telegram restrictions represent Russia’s newest effort to bring internet communications under state oversight. Government censors have blocked thousands of websites and platforms, along with numerous virtual private networks that help users bypass restrictions. Extensive mobile internet shutdowns often leave only government-approved sites accessible.

Among Russian users, only WhatsApp surpasses Telegram in popularity, though it too faces severe limitations. Government agencies regularly use Telegram for official communications, as do pro-Kremlin commentators and military bloggers with massive followings.

Officials are promoting MAX, a government-supported messaging platform that critics describe as a surveillance mechanism.

Military bloggers have criticized the Telegram restrictions, contending the app serves as essential communication infrastructure for Russian forces in Ukraine and activists organizing fundraising efforts for Moscow’s military.

Initially, the government pledged not to limit Telegram access for battlefield use, but the Kremlin later sent mixed signals.

During an International Women’s Day meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a servicewoman labeled Telegram “an adversarial communications tool” and endorsed his statement that “the use of communications systems that are not ours, not under our control, poses a danger to personnel” in combat.

Unverified media accounts suggest complete blocking of the application may occur in coming weeks. Telegram recorded 93.6 million monthly Russian users in December 2025, representing 76% of the population according to monitoring organization Mediascope.

The Telegram blocking has mobilized diverse political factions, including war supporters and general Kremlin backers.

The broad dissatisfaction and absence of clear justification for the restrictions has made “people feel like they can afford to protest here,” explained political analyst Abbas Gallyamov.

Last month, Other Russia members, an ultranationalist, pro-war organization, secured the entrance to Roskomnadzor’s Moscow headquarters with bicycle cables and displayed a sign reading: “Give us an internet without supervision, (and) Russia without Roskom-disgrace.”

In December, the group displayed a banner at the agency’s St. Petersburg location stating, “Roskomnadzor, ban this banner.”

All participants faced arrest, with the Moscow demonstrators receiving criminal charges.

Communist Party regional offices, typically Kremlin-supportive, attempted to coordinate rallies in multiple locations. Altai region officials in Siberia rejected their request, claiming assertions of internet restrictions were “at odds with reality.” Southern Krasnodar has approved a late March rally on the city’s periphery.

Communist Party members successfully conducted pickets in northern cities Naryan-Mar and Syktyvkar, carrying signs declaring “It is not up to officials to decide what we read” and “The internet is not a prison.”

These represented rare exceptions, as authorities elsewhere denied rally permits or canceled them last-minute.

Perm organizers in the Ural Mountains secured approval for a March 15 demonstration, but received notice two hours beforehand of a “potential emergency situation” making the site unsuitable for gatherings.

Some attendees still appeared. Viktor Gilin, 80, displayed a banner reading, “Vladimir Putin! I demand that you bring back freedom of thought and speech — the internet!” He faced immediate detention and fines.

In Siberian Novosibirsk, authorities detained 16 individuals this month at a planned pro-Telegram gathering site. Despite not requiring authorization for protests at that location, participants found the area cordoned off for an alleged “tree inspection,” activist Roman Malozyomov reported.

Malozyomov and fellow activists, journalists and bystanders were held briefly before release. He immediately proceeded to Lenin Square for a solo demonstration with a sign expressing his desire to “stay connected,” featuring a crossed-out Roskomnadzor logo.

This week, activists in several regions submitted requests for March 29 rally authorization. Some faced immediate rejection.

Public demonstrations have become uncommon since violent suppression of anti-war protests in 2022, with political prosecutions surging and dissent-restricting legislation expanding.

Smaller protests have persisted in some areas, including unauthorized ones. Military wives demonstrated at the Kremlin and Defense Ministry in 2024, while over 1,000 people assembled that year in Bashkortostan to oppose a local activist’s imprisonment, leading to widespread arrests.

Siberian farmers protested this month against what they consider unnecessary cattle culling. In northern Komi, woodworking plant employees rallied for overdue wages.

Hundreds participated in an authorized October rally in Vladivostok opposing increased vehicle registration costs, marking one of the Pacific coast city’s largest gatherings in years.

In Siberian Tomsk, activist Anton Isakov recently organized approved demonstrations against blocking the popular gaming platform Roblox and another addressing animal cruelty.

When authorities permit protests, participants readily appear due to numerous issues “that people want to speak out about,” he explained. His attempts to secure pro-Telegram rally permits have been unsuccessful.

Malozyomov, the Novosibirsk activist, noted that small, authorized rallies addressing issues like high utility costs often receive approval because “the authorities are trying to give people an opportunity to vent, so that the tension doesn’t build up.”

Some are pursuing alternatives to rallies.

Konstantin Larionov in Kaluga, southwest of Moscow, and 41 others filed legal action against Roskomnadzor and government officials last year, claiming Telegram and WhatsApp restrictions violate free speech and privacy rights.

Larionov encouraged others to join through court email petitions, expanding the plaintiff count to 105. He found it encouraging to see people “from different parts of the country” willing to participate.

The court ruled in favor of authorities. Larionov appealed unsuccessfully but intends to pursue the case to the Supreme Court.

He acknowledges diminished protest capabilities in Russia but believes continued efforts remain important.

“We are, maybe, retreating a little bit, but we’re not giving up,” he said.

Analyst Gallyamov characterizes the Telegram protests as signaling popular discontent rather than “fighting the regime.”

However, “it is another crack in the foundation” of Putin’s rule, he said.